Monday, January 15, 2018

MLK at Mary's Cafe - As the Story Unfolds

MLK at Mary's Café and Camden - By William Kelly
Image result

753 Walnut Street, Camden, N.J.

Atlanta, Selma, Birmingham and Memphis are all places that are associated with Martin Luther King, Jr.; But Maple Shade and Camden, New Jersey were not, until now.

In June 1950, a young seminary student named Michael King signed his name to a legal complaint against a Maple Shade, New Jersey bar owner for refusing to serve him and listed his legal residence as 753 Walnut Street, Camden.

More than 65 years later, Martin Luther King Jr.’s Camden residence has been saved from demolition—thanks in large part to the efforts of local car salesman Patrick Duff, an amateur historian who documented of the home’s historic significance. The two-story, attached house in one of Camden’s most blighted neighborhoods was to be razed; instead, the city has given the house historic designation and a movement is afoot to restore the structure and turn it into a civil rights museum.

King lived on and off in the nondescript Camden house from 1950 to 1951, while attending Crozer Theological Seminary in Chester, Pennsylvania.

His Camden residency had been all-but forgotten until Duff, investigating an unrelated matter, happened upon the legal complaint signed by the future Civil Rights leader following the June 1950 incident in nearby Maple Shade.

Duff’s first clue was a newspaper article describing how King and his Camden roommate, fellow Crozer student Walter McCall, and two other individuals were refused service and at gun point were tossed out of Mary’s Place, a Maple Shade bar on what is now a Route 73 clover leaf. King and his companions went to the local police station and filed a civil complaint against the owner of the bar Ernest Nichols, a German born immigrant who had served in the German army during World War I and was married to Mary, who gave the bar its name.

It is believed the Maple Shade incident is the first time King took legal action in the name of civil rights. Renown Camden doctor Wiggins, and a NAACP lawyer and Camden prosecutor helped King pursue the case, which was dismissed after the bar owner pleaded guilty to one of the two charges and paid a small fine. Nichols was represented by a well-known Burlington County lawyer whose obituary mentions the incident. While King was not famous at the time, the lawyer said he heard King respond to the question of why he made civil rights a part of his ministry by saying the incident in New Jersey sparked his interest in the issue.

Mary’s Place was purchased by the New Jersey Department of Transportation and torn down several years ago, but through Duff’s efforts, an historic marker will be placed at the site.

As for the Walnut Street house, Duff’s research led him to Jeannette Hunt, a cousin of McCall’s and the current owner of the now boarded-up building, once owned by her father-in-law. She recalls King and her uncle Walter McCall living in an upstairs room at the house when she was a little girl.

Armed with the legal documents and news clippings, Duff sought to convince the city that the house should be preserved. His work got the attention of Camden mayor Dana Redd and local Congressman Donald Norcross, both of whom wrote letters to the state requesting the historical designation. John Lewis, a Congressman from Georgia and a close friend and associate of King’s, also expressed support. All three spoke at a press conference in September 2017 in front of the house calling for its preservation. 

“This place of historic real estate must be saved for generations unborn,” said Lewis. “Martin Luther King Jr. didn’t just help change America; he helped change the world.”

The New Jersey state Senate passed a resolution 36-0 urging the home be placed on the state historic registry; the city of Camden gave the house the historic designation needed to obtain the funds to restore it; and the Coopers Ferry Partnership assumed title of the property to ensure its preservation. The attention also led to the cleanup of Walnut Street and the clearing of an adjacent lot. “It looks like a different street,” says Duff, somewhat bewildered that his hard work is bearing fruit.

Since then the Coopers Ferry Partnership received a six figure grant to work on the property, but never announced it or used it, and state gave Stockton University over $20,000 to study the facts and determine if MLK actually lived in Camden at all.

In the meantime the roof of 753 Walnut was falling in and some neighbors fixed it on their own.

Then the Stockton "study" failed to interview any living witnesses and only reviewed the published literature and what Duff had sent them. They concluded that the lack of any published references to King's time in Camden went against the possibility of him living there as a residence, but given all the known facts that he stayed there is the most probable alternative. Not a great endorsement that would enhance the NJ state historical certification needed.

Then Duff located yet another newspaper article from the 1980s that quotes one of the residents of 753 Walnut, a young man at the time who had joined the Army, who said that it was his bedroom in the back of the second floor where King and his cousin lived while he was away in the service.

In fact, it was the day he returned in June 1950 when King said they were going to a place in Maple Shade for something to eat, a place known for its good sandwiches. The returning vet warned King not to go as blacks were not welcome there, but King replied, "We have to change that so we can go anywhere."

So this newly discovered report, not included in the Stockton study, clearly indicates King and his friends didn't just stumble on Mary's Place, as was previously assumed, they went there expecting they would be denied service, and were prepared to do something about it.

Now the city of Camden, the state of New Jersey, Stockton University and Coopers Ferry Partnerships should end their hesitation to move on this and properly designate the property as historical, budget the money to restore and preserve the building, and establish the civil rights museum and center that deserves to be there.

— William E. Kelly

Saturday, January 6, 2018

Kelly Declaration AARC v. CIA Re: Detailed Study of Hitler Plot

RESEARCH CENTER                                 :
Plaintiff                                                         :
v.                                                                    :            Civil Action No. 17- 00160(TNM)                    
 Defendant.                                                    :                                                            
  __________________________________  :          

Declaration of William E. Kelly, Jr.
     I hereby declare and state that:

1. I am a journalist, historian and author of two published regional history books, who has spent considerable time, since 1969, tracking down and interviewing JFK Assassination witnesses.

2.   In the course of my research in January 1995 I interviewed Volkmar Schmidt over the telephone, a conversation taped with his permission and subsequently transcribed and posted on the internet.

3.   In that interview Schmidt told me that he hosted a February 22, 1963 party at his Dallas residence for the expressed purpose of introducing Lee Harvey Oswald to Michael Paine.

4. While Michael Paine did not attend that party, his wife Ruth Hyde Paine did and met Oswald’s Russian wife Marina, and they became close friends until the day of the assassination.

5. At the same party Volkmar Schmidt said he had an extended 2-hour conversation with Lee Harvey Oswald in which he used a “reverse psychology” technique taught to him by his surrogate father, doctor Whilhelm Keutemeyer, professor of psychosomatic medicine at the University of Heidelberg, Germany. 

6.   Keutemeyer, Schmidt said, had two associates who were part of the July 20, 1944 plot to kill Hitler, Herr Von Halen and dr. Adam von Trott zu Solz, both executed for their roles in the plot.

7. Schmidt admitted mentioning the July 20, 1944 plot to Oswald and suggested right wing General Edwin Walker should be killed, much like Hitler should have been.

8.   Not long after their conversation Oswald purchased a rifle through the mail using the alias “Hidel” traceable to him when he could have bought an untraceable weapon at any Dallas sporting goods of department store with no identification.

9.   Oswald is accused of taking a shot at Walker through a window at his home on April 10, 1963, a shot that missed, with the remains of the bullet in the Kennedy Collection at the National Archives. 

10.  Shortly after the Walker shooting Oswald relocated to his hometown of New Orleans where he got a job and an apartment while his wife Marina resided with Ruth Hyde Paine in Irving, Texas, before Ruth H. Paine drove Marina and the rifle to New Orleans.

11.  CIA Cuban Desk chief Desmond FitzGerald, looking for disenchanted Cuban military officers or anyone close to Castro, met with Dr. Rolando Cubella Secades (AMLASH) to encourage him to kill Castro, and another CIA case officer met with Cubella in Brazil on September 7, 1963.

12. On September 7, 1963 Fidel Castro visited the Brazilian embassy in Havana and denounced US backed commando raids and attempts to kill Cuban leaders, as reported in an Associated Press dispatch published on September 9, 1963, ostensibly read by Lee Harvey Oswald in the New Orleans newspaper. 

13.  In September 1963 Ruth Hyde Paine visited her relatives, including her husband Michael’s mother Ruth Forbes Paine Young - a close personal friend and traveling companion of Mary Bancroft.

14.  During World War 2 Mary Bancroft worked closely with Office of Strategic Services (OSS) officer Allen Dulles in Switzerland and they were closely associated with Nazi military intelligence officer Hans Bernd Gisevius, a major participant in the failed July 20, 1944 plot, assisting him in his escape from Germany. 

15.  While visiting the Youngs in September 1963, Ruth Hyde Paine wrote to the pregnant Marina in New Orleans suggesting she return to Texas and live with her in Irving until the baby is born. For her response Marina was instructed to write to her in care of “Arthur Young – Paoli, Pa.”. 

16.  Marina accepted and on September 24, 1963 Ruth Paine left the Young’s farm and drove to New Orleans, picked up Marina and the rifle and drove them to Texas while Oswald went to Mexico City.

17.  The following day, September 25, 1963, the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Chaired by Air Force Chief of Staff General LeMay (while General Taylor was in Vietnam), met at the Pentagon where they were briefed on CIA covert operations in Cuba by Desmond FitzGerald.

18.  A memo/ minutes of the meeting was written by Col. Walter M. Higgins, Jr., assistant to General Victor H. Krulack, who was SACSA – Special Assistant for Counterinsurgency and Special Activities. In his memo Higgins wrote that FitzGerald reported that the CIA was preparing a “detailed study” of the July 20, 1944 plot against Hitler to be adapted for use against Castro in Cuba. Higgins wrote that FitzGerald, “Felt that there had been great success in getting closer to the military personnel who might break with Castro, and stated that there were at least ten high-level military personnel who were talking with CIA but as yet are not talking to each other, since that degree of confidence has not yet developed. He considers it as a parallel in history: i.e., the plot to kill Hitler; and this plot is being studied in detail to develop an approach.” (emphasis added).

19.   In October 1963 Ruth Hyde Paine helped Oswald obtain a job at the Texas School Book Depository, a building owned by D. H. – David Harold Byrd, a close personal friend of Air Force Chief of Staff General Curtis LeMay, who chaired the September 25, JCS meeting at the Pentagon. 

20.   On November 22, 1963 D. H. Byrd was in Africa on a safari with Werner von Alvensleben, a German hunter who wrote an essay in support of the July 20, 1944 coup plotters and whose father was identified in an OSS document as an “assassination specialist.” Werner von Alvensleben’s favorite rifle was a Mannlicher-Schonauer, the Greek version of the Mannlicher rifle allegedly used in the assassination of President Kennedy.  In December 1963 von Alvensleben visited Byrd in Dallas. 

21.   On November 22, 1963 at the time of the assassination, the Joint Chiefs of Staff were meeting with the German General Staff that included two former Nazi officers who were directly involved in the July 20, 1944 plot, including Gen. Hans Speidel and Gen. Adolf Heusinger.

22.   D. H. Byrd later told friends, including the president of the Dallas Morning News, that he had removed the southeast corner window of the Texas School Book Depository, from which he believed the shots that killed the president to have originated, and displayed it in his home with his animal trophies, “where it became the centerpiece of many social gatherings”.  

23.  The request for these records are not broad, but very precise, and they should be looked for among the records of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Asst. Army Sec. Joe Califano, Gen. Krulak’s papers, the files of Desmond Fitzgerald and Rolando Cubella, as well as any of those involved in planning for the covert operations in Cuba in 1963. When the CIA says that the July 20, 1944 plot to kill Hitler “is being studied in detail to develop an approach,” to kill Castro, then it is impossible for there to be no documentary record of this “detailed” study.  And considering the numerous other associations between the July 20, 1944 plot within the JFK assassination narrative, its significance cannot be over stated.
      I declare under penalty of perjury that the foregoing is true and correct.

Executed on November 12, 2017.                 _____/s/ William E. Kelly, Jr. ____(Signature)

The Plots Against Hitler by Danny Orbach

The Plots Against Hitler (Eamon Dolan/ Houghton Mifflin 2016) by Danny Orbach of the Weatherhead Center for International Affairs - (p. xv):

“Guilt, no other word carries so much significance when considering German history. Even the drama of July 20, 1944 plot to kill Hitler, staged by Col. Claus von Stauffenberg and his confederates in the anti-Nazi resistance movement, is fraught with guilt and a maelstrom of other emotions, which we view through the thick fog of myth and memory.”

“The story of the anti-Nazi underground in the German army and its various attempts to assassinate Hitler has been cast and recast in books, movies, screenplays, and TV shows. That is hardly surprising, as the story contains elements of a thriller: nocturnal meetings in frozen fields; the elaborate drama of military conspiracies; bombs hidden in briefcases and liqueur bottles; and the dramatic day of July 20, 1944, with its abortive assassination and final, desperate attempt at a coup d’etat.”

“In ten-years of research prior to the publication of Valkyrie, my Hebrew-language monograph on the resistance, I examined every primary and secondary source I could find. My research took me to some thirteen archives in Germany, England, Russia and the United States. At times I was shocked by my own findings...The representation of the resistance by such scholars is often a caricature, a ‘crooked mirror’ that teaches us more about the political bias of the scholars than about the German resistance itself.”

“The story of the German resistance conspirators, however, was essentially a military one…Previous studies have tended to focus on groups or individuals in the resistance, but almost none of them, as far as I have been able to establish, have adequately analyzed the interactions between members of these groups….How did the conspiratorial networks operate in reality, and how did different leadership styles affect the outcome of plots and their chances of success? Most importantly, we shall see how certain individuals, whom we shall call brokers and connectors, kept the networks alive by ensuring that information flowed within them.”

“In addition, we shall deal with the complexities involved in the decision of the German resistance fighters to assassinate Hitler. On the one hand, such an action offered the enormous temptation to change the course of history with one stroke. On the other, murdering one’s sovereign leader was, for most conspirators, ideologically, legally, and morally problematic. How did the leaders of the resistance, devout Christians as they were, justify the killing of their hierarchical superior, to whom they swore an oath of allegiance?”

"A particularly important source is the almost inexhaustibly rich trove of documents collected by the late professor Harold C. Deutsch and preserved among his papers at the U.S. Army Heritage and Education Center in Carlisle, Pa."

Orbach discusses Marinus van der Lubbe - a Ditch citizen who was blamed for the Reichstag fire and was considered by many to be, like Oswald, a patsy framed for the crime.

"The only model that could work for a coup d' etat under totalitarian conditions would be an elitist underground with access to arms, and a very limited number of powerful members."

"In this book, the network structure of the German resistance movement, guided by the rule of revolutionary mutation, has been discussed."  

 “Until that fateful day, Stauffenberg and his coconspirators had been preparing, down to its last detail, the coup d’etat’s operational plan. They treated it – as they were trained to – as staff work, and applied careful concealment procedures.”

“When Beck, for example, visited Olbricht for consultations, he took pains to shake off Gestapo agents on his tail. First, he went to the train station and waited on the platform as if he were going to take an express train. When the train came, he sneaked into the tunnel between the platforms and took an exit to a side street, where Olbricht’s son-in-law, Fredrich Georgi, was waiting in a military vehicle. Likewise, Olbricht followed strict procedures when meeting Gisevius….”

Ah Gisevius. A key agent and operative of Allen Dulles and his cohort Mary Bancroft, who controlled Gisevius out of Switzerland.

“Originally the Valkyrie orders were designed to reinforce the eastern front in case of a sudden military collapse. Valkyrie II, a revision drafted by Olbricht’s office in the spring of 1942, authorized the Home Army to promptly deploy its units locally in case of a paratrooper attack, an uprising of foreign workers, or another emergency inside the Reich. On July 31, 1943, Olbrich dramatically revised the orders for the purpose of the coup d’etat. According to the revision, which was duly authorized by General Fromm, the commander of the home front had the authority to deploy not only his own troops but all detachments and soldiers within reach, including military schools, personnel on leave, and units in training and reorganization. They were to be organized within six hours into combat detachments and to be moved as quickly as possible, using all available means, wherever they were needed. All other existing security measures and plans were to be carried out exclusively in accordance with Valkyrie.”

“By carefully redrawing the plan along these lines, the conspirators, whose bastion was the Home Army, secured for themselves unlimited control over the Wehrmacht in Germany, most importantly in the Greater Berlin area. They also took care to practice, drill, and rehearse the plan multiple times in different military districts to improve performance and, above all, the reaction time of the troops. Wisely, it was decided that ‘the preparations must be carried through as secretly as possible. By no means should authorities or individuals outside the Wehrmacht be informed about the intentions or the preparations.’ The idea was, of course, to keep the prying eyes of the SS, Gestapo and SD away from the plans.”

“The leaders of the resistance decided that immediately upon the Fuhrer’s death, the Valkyrie orders would be sent to all Wehrmacht district commanders.”

“Hence, the conspirators of July 20, 1944, failed not because they were dilettantes but rather because they were excessively professional. A military revolt has some elements in common with a military operation, and it presumes a certain kind of ordered, methodical work; but, at the end of the day, it is very different from a military operation. More than order, it requires improvisation, even wildness – an ability to ignore good caution and to leap into the unknown. The conspirators were educated soldiers, not revolutionaries. No one had any training in the art of the coup d’etat….Professionals they were – just not the right profession.”

 “After the execution of Beck, Stauffenberg, Mertz, Olbricht, and Haeften, the Bendlerstrasse was combed by SS teams lead by Skorzeny and Kaltenbrunner. They had the conspirators chained to each other, and brought them to the notorious Gestapo headquarters at Prinz Albrecht Strasse. Many were greeted with beatings…”

“Gisevius was still roaming around Germany. As creative as he was daring, he tried to hide in the most improbably place: Berlin. It seems, though, that for all his resourcefulness, what really helped him was the fact that, unlike those of the others, his personal networks went far beyond the conspiracy. Temporarily, he took refuge with friends while trying to contact the most useful, but also the remotest, part of his network: contacts with the American OSS.”

“Gisevius, as usual, had been luckier than others. While he was hiding in a Berlin safe house, his friends from the American OSS worked to save his life. ‘Good news came from Switzerland for me personally. Help was on the way. I had friends there – and friends helped. A ‘book’ given to intermediaries was to serve as confirmation to me that I could trust the messenger.  A week passed – two, three, four. Then it came.’”

“In addition, Gisevius was informed that help would arrive ‘shortly.’ After months of nerve-racking anticipation, a mysterious women came into the hideout and asked him if ‘everything was all right.’ A few moments later, the doorbell rang again. Gisevius rushed out, only to see a blacked-out car racing away. A package was waiting for him in the mailbox. There, he found a Gestapo ID and a forged passport under the name Dr. Hoffmann, complete with a top-secret document from the Gestapo in Berlin. Gisevius must have been astonished: Dr. Hoffmann, it was written there, was an agent going to perform confidential and important duty in Switzerland. All officials of the government and the party were required to help him as much as they could. Gisevius left for the train station immediately. Resourceful and ruthless as ever, he showed the ID, declared himself a Gestapo agent, and secured a comfortable seat. A few hours elapsed, and he arrived at the Swiss border.”

“In conclusion, the model of connected cliques substantially increased the chance of assassinating Hitler and putting a coup d’etat in motion. However, despite the continuous efforts of talented brokers like Schlabrendorff and Kaiser, the chronic problems of coordination decreased the likelihood of success, even if Hitler was successfully knocked off stage. An improvement in one aspect increased the risk in others.

"Stauffenberg's wheel conspiracy was an attempt to increase both revolutionary autarky and control without damaging overall security. According to the pattern mentioned earlier, the task was difficult, if not impossible. On the one hand, to bolster autarky, there was a need for more confidants and partners. On the other, when the conspiracy expanded, control and security suffered." 

“Stauffenberg tried to square the circle through a unique, charismatic style of leadership and ability to command….Stauffenberg set strict laws of secrecy and compartmentalization to ensure that the arrest of one member would not expose the whole network. The results were mixed.”

“The expansion of the conspiracy decreased control, as expected, but Stauffenberg’s charisma created an illusion of increased control. So great was the illusion that the conspirators believed,…that ‘both the Wehrmach and the civilian population would cheer them along. It never crossed their mind that they might encounter resistance.’ The illusion blinded Stauffenberg to the disloyalty of some officers. When it became clear that Hitler was alive, his power dissolved completely.”

Tuesday, December 26, 2017

New Jim Braden Documents Released

Jim Braden at Dealey Plaza

Lee Harvey Oswald wasn't the only suspect in the assassination.  He wasn't even the first, as Jim Braden was taken into custody as a suspicious person shortly after he got off the elevator of the Dal Tex building and the elevator operator considered him suspicious because he didn't work there.

Taken to the Sheriff's office accross the street for questioning, Braden gave a statement to a typist and was released.

Some years later, when Los Angeles TV reporter Peter Noyes came across Braden's statement among the Warren Commission exhibits, he did a background check and discovered that shortly before the assassination Eugene Hale Brading had legally changed his name to Jim Braden, and had a lengthly rap sheet of previous arrests, for burglary, gambling and assorted confidence schemes.

Peter Noyes wrote a pulp paperback book about Braden and the assassination - "A Legacy of Doubt" (Pinnacle Books, 1977), that Braden took exception to when the book led to his expulsion from the exclusive La Costa Country Club near San Diego.

Noyes wrote about how Brading and his sidekick Victor Emanuel Pereira were arrested for embesselment and kicked out of Dallas by Sherriff  Decker for swindling Mrs. Lee Little, the widow of a high ranking executive of Magnolia Oil company, and her sister. Decker branded them "The Honeymooners," and taking rich widows for their money, as the newly released FBI records confirm.

Braden was anxious to testify before the House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA) and did so for two day in executive sessions that were sealed from the public until the 1990s, when I obtained a transcript from the Ford Library.

In his testimony Braden said that he spent the entire summer of 1963 in New Orleans, where Oswald was also living, and worked out of the offices of Vernon Main, Jr. on the 17th floor of the Pierre Marquette office building, just down the hall from the law offices of G. Ray Gill.

Jim Garrison obtained the phone records from Gill's office and discovered that one phone call on September 24, 1963, a significant date, was made to a Chicago phone listed in the Warren Commisson records.

Jack Ruby's assocaite Lawrence Meyers, a wholesale sporting goods salesman, had called the same phone number, a Chicago hotel apartment where Jean Aase (aka West) lived and worked.

A few months before the assassination Meyers had visited Ruby in Dallas for the grand opening of the swank Cabana Hotel, owned by Doris Da y and other Hollywood stars, and Ruby took him to the Dallas State Fair where Meyers invested a few hundred dollars in a tent show called "How Hollywood Makes Movies." That show included roustabout former Army vet Larry Crafard and a showgirl, both of whom Ruby would hire to work at the Carousel Club.

Although he was married, Meyers returned to Dallas on the assassination weekend with Jean Aase, who Meyers described as "a dumb but accomidating broad," and he took her to the Carousel Club to meet Ruby and on the night before the assassination, Ruby visited Meyers at the Cabana Hotel Lounge.

Dallas reporter Earl Golz obtained the Cabana recipts from Jim Braden and his friends and discovered they too had drinks at the same lounge as Meyers and Ruby.

Meyers said he was there to visit his brother, a soft drink bottler from New York, who had just returned from visiting his son Ralph in Mexico City, where the former Army Security Agency (now NSA) officer was working as a journalist.

[See my article Thursday Night at the Cabana Lounge for more on this evening]

From the Cabana at midnight Meyers accompanied Ruby to Campisi's Egyptian Lounge, where they made phone calls from the back office.

The next day Braden was taken into custody, and Meyers went to play golf at a military base golf course.

Most of the recently released records regarding Jim Braden/aka Eugene Hale Brading date to the 1950s and reveal his business interests in oil, vending machines and swindling rich widows, and none refer to his arrest at Dealey Plaza as a suspicious person.

Some consider it also suspicious that he was in a hotel in Los Angeles the night RFK was killed, and others claim he was a shooter in the Dal Tex building. I don't believe either point, as Braden was a conartist and swindler, but didn't carry a weapon or have any record of committing violance in the course of his criminal career. He was a gambler, golfer and thief, but a non-violent one.

Tuesday, December 12, 2017

Response to Max Holland's Assessment of the Release of the JFK Records


Why Oswald ws not the Sixth Floor Shooter

By William E. Kelly

In response to Max Holland's assessment of the recently released JFK records and the continued withhold of many more, I must comment on a few items and correct the record on others.

For starters, Holland's division of reality into only two conflicting categories - the majority who believe Oswald was part of a conspiracy and had confederates, a clear majority, and those who believe one man alone was responsible for the crime.

Actually there are many more plausible possibilites and scenarios.

For instance, a conspiracy does not have to include Lee Harvey Oswald, especially if he was what he claimed to be - a Patsy, set up to be the fall guy.

Whilie wrapping up his book "Reclaiming History," the late Vincent Bugliosi called on John Judge, the director of COPA - the national Coalition on Political Assassinations, to see if he missed anything.

"I understand you don't believe Oswald acted alone?" Bugliosi asked in phone conversation.

In response Judge said: "Oh, I think Oswald acted alone all right. I just don't think he shot anybody."

One case for conspiracy rests on the exoneratioin of Oswald as the Sixth Floor gunman, something that can and has been done, as the witnessest themselves testified to, and as physics demands.

It can be clearly demonstrated that Oswald was not on the Sixth Floor of the Texas School Book Depository (TSBD) at the time of the shooting 12:30 pm, CST, which means that Oswald was not the man in the white shirt (Oswald wore brown) and bald spot, a clearly identifiable physical characteristic, one not shared with Oswald.

The idea that Oswald did not fire the shots that killed JFK is a well founded proposition based primarily on witness reports and testimony and the facts as described in the Warren Report itself.

A number of eye witnesses in TSBD said they saw Oswald on the h first floor at 12 noon and 12;15, when pedestrians on the street saw a man - some a man with a rifle on the Sixth Floor. If that is the case, the man on the sixth floor with a rifle was not Oswald.

Ninety seconds after the last shot, Oswald is seen by Dallas  Police motorcyle patrolman Marrion Baker in the second floor lunchroom. Actually, as Baker testified under questioning from Bugliosi during the London Mock Trial, he saw Oswald through the one-square-foot window of the 2nd floor lunchroom door.

If that was the case then the door had to shut and Oswald had to be on the other side of the closed door. It had to be completely closed becuase if it was open only an inch or two, basic physics requires the dimenstions of the window decrease significantly, reducing the size of the winow enough that it is too small to see anything from the angle Baker was viewing from the top of the stairs.

If Oswald was the sixth floor sniper then he would have had to come down those stairs and go through that door in the ninety seconds after the last shot, but there were four witnesses - two secretaries coming down the stairs from the fourth floor, their supervisor standing on the fourth floor landing, and a TSBD worker on the fifth floor landing - and none of them saw or heard Oswald descend those steps.

In addition, and this is the clincher - Officer Baker was behind TSBD superintendent Roy Truly, who would have had to see Oswald go through that same open door two to three seconds before Baker got to the top of the steps, turned to the left to follow Truly, when he claims to have seen Oswald through the window of the closed door.

So these six witnesses, if they are to be believed, clearly provide the proof that Oswald did not come down those stairs, did not go through that door, was not on the Sixth Floor at the time of the assassination, and did not fire the shots that killed the President.

The testimony of these witness it bustressed by other witnesses, including a court clerk from across the street who saw a man in the sixth floor window moving boxes aound four to five minutes after the last shot, indicating the sniper white shirt with bald spot did not immediatly leave the scene but took his time and stuck around for awhile.

Robert Groden also interviewed a TSBD secretray who stayed behind to answer the phone, and told Groden, believe it or not, she gave Oswald the change for a dollar that he used to buy coke.   

In addition, Brennan, the hard hat worker who saw the sixth floor shooter, and said he would be able to identify him if he saw him again, correctly identified the black guys from the fifth floor as they came out the front door, but didn't identify Oswald as the shooter as he came out the same door a few moments later.

So the contention that Oswald had to have co-conspirators for there to be a conspiracy is a false assumption, as the witness testimony clearly indicate Oswald was not the Sixth Floor shooter, and was what he said he was - a Patsy set up to take the fall for a crime he did not commit.

Monday, December 4, 2017

Robarge vs. Morley - The CIA vs. The Truth

David Robarge v. Jefferson Morley

By William Kelly

In my recent essay in Lobster on the Twist Party in Mexico City, I gave a short list of the responsible journalists who have tried to seriously cover the still developing story on the assassination of President Kennedy, and neglected to mention Jefferson Morley.

Jeff is truly a remarkable and persistent reporter who utilizes journalistic standards, something Tony Summers said was essentially lacking in most media coverage of the assassinatoin story..

In his books "Our Man in Mexico" and "Ghost," a biography of the CIA's chief of Counter-Intelligence James Jesus Angleton, and his web site, Jeff has coinually cut the wheat from the chaff.

In reading his book on Angleton, I found it particularly interesting that Angleton's training in the covert "crafts of intelligence," as Allen Dulles puts it, occured in England at Bletchley Park, and his chief mentor was none other than Kim Philby, the most notorious double agent of all time.

After the war, when Angleton was named head of the new CIA CI desk and Philby was assigned to Washington as the MI6 British Intelligence liason to the CIA, the mentor and protege became frequent drinking companinons over three martini lunches.

Some of the knowledge Philby learned and passed on to his Soviet masters is contained in the secret assassination records that are still being withheld from the public, although the Ruskies knew it all from the beginning.

One such item, as related in Philby's autobiography "My Silent War," is how Frank Wisner designed and implimented the scheme whereby CIA covert operations were secretly funded through ostensible charities and philantropic foundation conduits,  like the Catherwood Fund, as it was exposed by David Wise and Thomas Ross in their book "The Invisible Government."

Joe Smith later acknowledged using the Catherood Fund cover in the Phillipines, and I read Philadelphia Inquirer and Bulletin news reports and feature articles on the Catherwood Fund activities, and took particular interest in the Cuban Aid Relief (CAR) and the co-sponsoring of the Columbia-Catherwood award for journalists.

While the Soviets knew about this relationship from its inception, thanks to Philby, the American public didn't learn about it until the article in Ramparts Magazine exposed it, beginning with the CIA's domestic covert financing of the National Student Association (NSA).

In the same light, the Russians knew all along that what happened at Dealey Plaza was the result of actions by the American security agencies, and not that of a deranged lone nut case, as exhibited in the newly released records by Soviet Premier Kruschev's social diner conversation with American investigative journalist Drew Pierson.

So the records they continue insisting on withholding from the American public are not secrets that they are trying to keep from the Ruskies, but rather, national security secrets they are keeping from the citizens - especially "means and methods" they use to conduct their operatiions.

These may be esoteric items for ordinary people to understand, but Jeff Morley's book is written for regular people to digest, unlike David Robarge's biograhpy of former CIA Director John McCone.

David Robarge is a former CIA intelligence officer and now an official CIA Historian who wrote a particulary scathing attack on Morley in a review of "Ghost" posted in Max Holland's blog, as well as a second shotgun barrell blow out after Morley wrote a rebuttle. As Robarge's hatchet job came out even before the book was published, it reminded me of the media attacks on Oliver Stone before his movie "JFK" was released.

It also reminded me of the late, great Mae Brussell, who once said on her radio program that the Warren Report was written by Pentagon hisorians, something I doubted at the time but have since determined to be true. It turns out that Chief Justice Earl Warren wanted his report to be readable to the general public and requested some official military historians write the narrative of the report, including Air Force historian Alfred Goldberg, who also wrote a history of the Pentagon building and the 9/11 attack. I interviewed Goldberg over the phone on the week he retired.

Robarge's attacks on Morley and his book also called my attention to Robarge, and his articles published in the official CIA publications and his biography of former CIA Director John McCone, on whose watch the assassination occured.

If you get pass all of the white outs, redactions and totally blank pages, there's some really intesting chapters on McCone and the Secret Wars, Espionage and Covert Actions, Counter-intelligence and Security and the Death of the President.

McCone, Robarge explains, was part of the "Special Group" of the National Security Council that evaluated and approved covert operations, especially those against Cuba.

"In effect the President and his advisors abandoned the Kennedy objective of ousting Castro," Robarge writes,  "and instead sought to harass and contain him. This was a return to the approach used in the phase one of Operation MONGOOSE two years before: espioinage, economic warfare and independet sabotage operations by exile groups. The Special Affiars Staff, under Desmond FitzGerald, drew up a comprehensive collection program using expatriate sources, infiltration agents, liason contacts, legal travelers, reguges, and port watchers.....[REDACTED - 2-3 paragraphs]."

"Training exiles for sabotage missions continued as well," notes Robarge, "although the likelihood that the administration would approve any such raids steadily diminished."

Early on Robarge gives some deep background on the early history of NPIC - the National Photo Interpetation Center, and its role in the analysis of the Zapruder Film, but Robarge gets it wrong on this count.

Shortly after the assassination McCone went directly to RFK's nearby home Hickory Hill, where he was with the Attorney General in his second floor library when the call from J. E. Hoover came in confirming that the President was dead.

Robarge: "...McCone directed that a specail cable channel be established so that all trafic related to Lee Harvey Oswald - arrested in Dallas soon after the shooting - went to a central repository, and he sent a [One line redacted] to Parkland Hospital, where John Kennedy had been taken for emergency treatment, to coordinate activities with the Secret Service and the FBI. After the Secret Service obtained a graphic film of the assassnation taken by an amateur photograher named Abraham Zapruder, McCone had NPIC officers analyze the footage (particularly the time between shots) and prepare briefing boards for the service."

As related by Robarge, on the morning of November 23, 1963, as the dawn of another day rose, McCone went to the White House to brief the President and found him in McGeorge Bundy's office next to the Situation Room. McCone began to brief the President but LBJ just turned his back and walked away. He had no intention of being briefed by the head of the CIA, and that was just the beginning of their relationship.

The only thing LBJ was interested in was McCone's insider reports on the intentions of RFK.

But what is missing from Robarge's account, though maybe its among the redacted pages, is what the NPIC briefers told McCone on November 23, 1963. As an established fact, there were two sets of breifing boards made up at NPIC over the assassination weekend, one the day after for NPIC director Paul Linebarger to brief McCone. There are no written records of this briefing, but then Linebarger returned to the NPIC offices he thanked those technicians who had worked all night, and said the briefing went well.

Shortly there after, Presidential advisor Arthur Schlesinger wrote in his daily journal that he had met with Robert Kennedy and asked him about the assassination, and RFK told Schlesigner the CIA thought there were two gunman, an analysis that must have come from the NPIC breifing of McCone, and one that McCone did not share with anyone except RFK, since LBJ wasn't interested.

As Robarge reports: "The DCI was complicit in keeping incendiary and diversionary issues off the commission's agenda and focusing it on what the Agency believed at the time was the 'best truth': that Lee Harvey Oswald, for as yet undetermined motives, had acted alone in killing John Kennedy. Max Holland, one of the most firminded scholars of these events, has concluded that 'if the word 'conspiracy' must be uttered in the same breath as 'the Kennedy assassination,' the only one that existed was the conspiracy to kill Castro and then keep that effort sescret after November 22.' In that sense - and that sense alone - McCOne may be regarded as a  'co-conspiractor' in the JFK assassination cover-up."

McCone, says Robarge, believed that aerial recon and photo anaysis were the most reliable sources of intelligence at that time, and NPIC did have a special and significnt role during the Cuban Missile Crisis and the assassination of President Kennedy.

To cut to the heart of the conspiracy that CIA Director McCone was party to, - the conspiracy to cover-up the plots to kill Castro, there were a lot of them, over 600 documented cases, but from among them it is only necessary to focus on one - the Pathfinder plan.

We only know about the Pathfinder plan because four - that's four not one - four NPIC technicians told the Assassinations Records Review Board (ARRB) about it. These four NPIC technicians had all been stationed at JMWAVE, the CIA base in Miami, and they reported that the Pathfinder files were kept in their section of the headquarters, rather than in the regular file room, indicating its special signifance.

Pathfinder was a CIA plan to kill Castro with a high powered rifle as he rode in an open jeep, as he often did when he visited Xandau, the DuPont estate on the north shore. According to the official reports, Pathfinder was "disaproved" by "higher authority," which means it was probably run past the Special Group of the National Security Council and rejected by RFK and maybe even JFK himself.

The NPCI technicians had made detailed maps of the area, blueprints of the inside of all relevant buildings including Xandau and the nearby home of Rolando Cubella (AMLASH), who was meeeting with CIA case officers at the time of the assassination, including Desmond FitzGerald himself.  Cubela was promised a cache of weapons would be delivered to a beach in Cuba, including a high powered rifle with a scope.

What became of the Pathfinder and NPIC assassination records? When the Assassination Records Review Board (ARRB) looked for them, a former NPIC secretary told them the NPIC assassination records were boxed and ordered - by RFK, to be taken to the Smithsonian Institute, rather than the National Archives, the normal depository of government records, again an indication of their signifiance.

As Robarge and official historians write their distorted history based on extant records, the Deep political history is best understood by the missing records, that if located, can fill in the missing pieces to the Dealey Plaza puzzle, that Jeff Morley and a few dedicated reporters and a researches are trying to put together.

Thursday, November 9, 2017

The Legal Imperatives of the JFK Assassination

The Legal Imperatives of the JFK Assassination
By William Kelly

Among the long withheld and recently released records on the assassination of President Kennedy is a memo from the head of the FBI J. Edgar Hoover dated November 24, 1963, the day the accused assassin Lee Harvey Oswald was shot and killed while in police custody.

"There is nothing further on the Oswald case except that he is dead," Hoover wrote. "The thing that I am concerned having something issued so we can convince the public that Oswald is the real assassin.

"Oswald having been killed today after our warnings to the Dallas Police Department is inexcusable. It will allow, I am afraid, a lot of civil rights people to raise a lot of hell because he was handcuffed and had no weapon. There are bound to be some elements of our society who will holler their heads off that his civil rights were violated -- which they were."

In his book, "On the Trail of the JFK Assassins" (Herman Graf/Skyhorse, NY 2008), Dick Russell wrote Chapter 31 on The Reflections of Marina Oswald Porter, the accused assassin's widow, who requested Dick set up a meeting  in 1992 between her and a group of lawyers.

She had one simple question for them: "how do you find a way to (officially) reopen the investigation?"

The meeting, held by a crackling fireplace in Dick's living room, included some local Boston attorneys as well as Jim Lesar and Dan Alcorn of the Assassination Archives and Research Center (AARC) in Washington D.C.

Marina asked them: "Is there a King Solomon nowhere in the  lawyer community to come up with some clever thing?"

"Forget me, this is not a personal vendetta," she said. "I'd like to figure out a more radical approach, from a legal point of view."

While they considered a Texas Grand Jury, and the use of the JFK Act granting the Assassination Records Review Board (ARRB) the ability to subpoena witnesses and question them under oath, a power they failed to adequately use, Lesar said, "The best evidence on a state prosecutional level revolves around concealment and obstruction of justice."

"And so basically," wrote Russell, "after several hours our discussion ended so much further along than when it began. Some of the finest legal minds in the country had come together, with the widow of the accused assassin, in hopes of finding some way to reopen the case. Thirty years after the fact, it seemed pretty hopeless, short of someone's deathbed confession. That night, a violinist friend played for Marina. One composition he performed was 'Song of the Lark.' More than one of us had tears in our eyes."

And now, a quarter of a century later, we are still crying, as the JFK Act is being violated and trampled on, the records ordered released are still being withheld, and there seems to be no legal recourse.

Where are the lawyers and judges - "is there a King Solomon no where in the lawyer community to come up with some clever thing?" - As Marina put it.

The murder of Oswald in Dallas Police custody was not only a clear cut violation of his civil rights, it halted, stopped the normal legal criminal procedures that would have kicked in for any homicide, let alone the murder of the President in broad daylight on a Texas street.

Other laws have been passed since JFK was killed. Besides the JFK Act, there's the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA), Federal Grand Juries, RICO - Rackettering Conspiracy statute that is used against organized crime and drug cartels, and Congressmen have recently introduced another JFK Act II.

As the attorneys who met with Marina in Dick Russell's living room concluded: "Texas was realistically the only place something could happen."

An investigative grand jury was suggested, "but the problem is, you have to convince Texas to do it."

Well now that might just happen.

A trial in Texas is scheduled for November 16-17 at the South Texas College of Law in Houston - Texas v. Lee Harvey Oswald, in front of a real Judge and presented by a real prosecutor. The evidence will be re-evaluated by the latest 21st Century forensic techniques and expert witnesses, and  Oswald will be posthumously defended by San Francisco defense attorney Bill Simpich, New York City lawyer Larry Schnapf and former NYC prosecutor Robert Tanenbaum, who also served as head of the JFK Task Force with Richard Sprague, the first Chief Counsel to the House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA).

Simpich and Schnapf serve as co-chairs of the Legal Committee of CAPA - Citizens Against Political Assassinations, a non-profit org led by renown forensic pathologist Dr. Cyril Wecht.

The two-day Thursday and Friday event will be filmed and available for live streaming over the internet and will be interrupted by a formal CAPA diner featuring actor Alec Baldwin, who is know to embrace controversial causes and impersonate Donald Trump on Saturday Night Live, an act appropriate considering the recent furor over the continued withholding of secret government files on the assassination.

When I was in Dallas for a conference I met a professional juror. They explained that insurance companies spend hundreds of thousands of dollars on such mock trials in order to learn what would happen in a real trial, and determine whether it would be would be worthwhile to go to trial or settle out of court. So it is a valid legal venue.

And it is just the first of a series of events that could lead to a legal resolution of the case, and if not justice, get to the truth of what really happened at Dealey Plaza.

For more see: Http:// and